Its goal is to emphasize the policy recommendations that derive from different approaches. Many of the most prominent accounts of linguistic justice defended by political theorists in recent years have focussed only on institutional arrangements and treat private language choices as falling beyond the scope of justice. Normative theorizing in language involves a reflective consideration on the role that language plays in the shaping and reshaping of social and political orders.
This is a complex endeavor resulting from the complex nature of the politics of language, in which change is constant and often unpredictable, and in which there exist an irreducible tension between linguistic and moral difference, on the one hand, and a need for societal interdependence on the other hand. The theoretical, conceptual, and methodological challenges emanating from these realities suggest the usefulness of an adaptive approach to the normative theorizing of the political life of language.
This paper aims at questioning the rationale for language testing in immigration policies. Our purpose is to offer justifications for rejecting language as a legitimate tool for controlling state borders and to regulate access to citizenship of a liberal democracy.
According to the doxa, English competence is steadily increasing, and English will soon be able to universally deliver all the functions that a common language in the European Union asks for. A careful empirical analysis shows that this is but a myth promoted by the political communication of the EU and facilitated by the paucity of independent data. A majority of European citizens is actually excluded from the benefits of multilingualism in the EU, and this has dangerous political implications for its future. Linguistic justice depends in part on the costs and benefits of the relevant language policies.
This chapter presents a methodology that can be used in ascertaining the value of these costs and benefits. It illustrates its use with data from Canadian provinces focusing in particular on minority education. In this chapter, we examine the role of language skills beyond communication, using a broad notion of linguistic preferences. In the empirical analysis, we study the effects of a language-in-education reform implemented in the bilingual region of Catalonia.
We show that such reform has improved the Catalan language skills of native Spanish speakers without significantly affecting the Spanish language skills of either speech community. We provide evidence supporting the idea that those additional language skills, that are redundant from a communication point of view, have fostered intermarriage.
This chapter establishes an empirical relationship among per capita national income, human capital formation measured as a combination of literacy, education and life expectancy and language situation in Sub-Saharan Africa. We find that both the use of local and official languages contribute to increased human capital which further induce income growth.
However, in a highly diverse context promoting the official language seems to be a more cost-efficient way to increase human capital and income. Add to Wishlist. Ships in 7 to 10 business days. Link Either by signing into your account or linking your membership details before your order is placed. Description Table of Contents Product Details Click on the cover image above to read some pages of this book! List of figures and tables Preface Introduction: language policy and linguistic culture Typologies of multilingualism and typologies of language policy Religion, myth and linguistic culture Language policy and linguistic culture in France French in the marginal areas: Alsace and the other regions Indian linguistic culture and the genesis of language policy in the subcontinent Language policy and linguistic culture in Tamilnadu Language policy in the United States Language policy in California Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index Table of Contents provided by Publisher.
All Rights Reserved. More Books in Linguistics See All. In Stock. Write Ways. Teaching Language in Context. In eastern Croatia, in Joint Council of Municipalities , at local municipal level is introduced Serbian as co official language. Each municipality, where a certain minority has more than one third of the population, can if it wants to introduce a minority language in official use.
Finland has one of the most overt linguistic rights frameworks. Section 17 of the Constitution of Finland explicitly details the right to one's language and culture, although these languages are stated as either Finnish or Swedish. This right applies to in courts of law and other authorities, as well as translated official documents. There is also overt obligation of the state to provide for the "cultural and societal needs of the Finnish-speaking and Swedish-speaking populations of the country on an equal basis".
There is an additional right for the specific group, the Sami, that they may use the Sami language when communicating with authorities. The deaf community is also granted the right to sign language and interpretation or translation. Regulations regarding the rights of linguistic minorities in Finland, insist on the forming of a district for the first 9 years of comprehensive school education in each language, in municipalities with both Finnish- and Swedish-speaking children, as long as there is a minimum of 13 students from the language community of that mother tongue.
The constitution of India was first drafted on January 26, It is estimated that there are about languages in India. Article — declared that the official languages of India for communication with centre will be Hindi and English. There are 22 official languages identified by constitution. Article states that "the Legislature of a state may by law adopt any one or more of the languages in use in the State or Hindi as the language or languages to be used for all or any of the official purposes of that State: Provided that, until the Legislature of the State otherwise provides by law, the English language shall continue to be used for those official purposes within the State for which it was being used immediately before the commencement of this Constitution".
Irish is the national and first official language according to the Constitution with English being a second official language. The Constitution permits the public to conduct its business — and every part of its business — with the state solely through Irish. On 14 July , the President of Ireland signed the Official Languages Act into law and the provisions of the Act were gradually brought into force over a three-year period. The Act sets out the duties of public bodies regarding the provision of services in Irish and the rights of the public to avail of those services.
The use of Irish on the country's traffic signs is the most visible illustration of the state's policy regarding the official languages. It is a statutory requirement that placenames on signs be in both Irish and English except in the Gaeltacht , where signs are in Irish only. Language rights were recognized in Mexico in with the General Law of Linguistic Rights for the Indigenous Peoples which established a framework for the conservation, nurturing and development of indigenous languages.
It recognizes the countries Many indigenous languages as coofficial National languages, and obligates government to offer all public services in indigenous languages. Pakistan uses English Pakistani English and Urdu as official languages. The Republic of Poland declares that it shall apply the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages in accordance with the Act on national and ethnic minorities and on regional language, dated 6 January Spanish language is the stated to be the official language of Spain in Article 3 of the Spanish constitution, being the learning of this language compulsory by this same article.
However, the constitution makes provisions for other languages of Spain to be official in their respective communities.
Language Policy and Linguistic Justice
Language rights in the United States are usually derived from the Fourteenth Amendment , with its Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses, because they forbid racial and ethnic discrimination, allowing language minorities to use this Amendment to claim their language rights. Nebraska case which held that a Nebraska law restricting foreign-language education violated the Due Process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Two other cases of major importance to linguistic rights were the Yu Cong Eng v. Trinidad case, which overturned a language-restrictive legislation in the Philippines , declaring that piece of legislation to be "violative of the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of the Philippine Autonomy Act of Congress",  as well as the Farrington v.
Linguistic Culture And Language Policy
Tokushige case, which ruled that the governmental regulation of private schools, particularly to restrict the teaching of languages other than English and Hawaiian , as damaging to the migrant population of Hawaii. Both of these cases were influenced by the Meyer case, which was a precedent.
The linguistic situation for Basque is a precarious one. The Basque language is considered to be a low language in Spain , where, until about , the Basque language was not used in administration. ETA had initially begun as a nonviolent group to promote Basque language and culture. Today, ETA's demands for a separate state stem partially from the problem of perceived linguistic discrimination. The Faroese language conflict, which occurred roughly between and , has been described as political and cultural in nature. The two languages competing to become the official language of the Faroe Islands were Faroese and Danish.
In the late 19th and early 20th century, the language of the government, education and Church was Danish, whereas Faroese was the language of the people. The movement towards Faroese language rights and preservation was begun in the s by a group of students. This spread from onwards to a movement towards using Faroese in the religious and government sector.
Faroese and Danish are now both official languages in the Faroe Islands. The Newars of Nepal have been struggling to save their Nepal Bhasa language, culture and identity since the s. Nepal Bhasa was suppressed during the Rana — and Panchayat — regimes leading to language decline. The Ranas forbade writing in Nepal Bhasa and authors were jailed or exiled. Beginning in , the Panchayat system eased out regional languages from the radio and educational institutions, and protestors were put in prison.
After the reinstatement of democracy in , restrictions on publishing were relaxed; but attempts to gain usage in local state entities side by side with Nepali failed. The Interim Constitution of Nepal recognizes all the languages spoken as mother tongues in Nepal as the national languages of Nepal.
It says that Nepali in Devanagari script shall be the language of official business, however, the use of mother tongues in local bodies or offices shall not be considered a barrier. Some analysts have stated that one of the chief causes of the Maoist insurgency, or the Nepalese Civil War — , was the denial of language rights and marginalization of ethnic groups. The start of the conflict regarding languages in Sri Lanka goes as far back as the rule of the British.
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During the colonial period, English had a special and powerful position in Sri Lanka. The British ruled in Sri Lanka from the late eighteenth century to English was the official language of administration then. Just before the departure of the British, a "swabhasha" your own language movement was launched in a bid to phase out English slowly, replacing it with Sinhala or Tamil.
However, shortly after the departure of the British the campaign, for various political reasons, evolved from advocating Sinhala and Tamil replacing English to just Sinhala replacing English.
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In , the first election after independence, the opposition won and the official language was declared to be Sinhala. The Tamil people were unhappy, feeling that they were greatly disadvantaged. Because Sinhala was now the official language, it made it easier for the people whose mother tongue was Sinhala to enter into government sector and also provided them with an unfair advantage in the education system. Tamils who also did not understand Sinhala felt greatly inconvenienced as they had to depend on others to translate official documents for them.
Both the Tamil and Sinhala-speaking people felt that language was crucial to their identity. The Sinhala people associated the language with their rich heritage. They were also afraid that, given that there were only 9 million speakers of the language at that time, if Sinhala was not the only official language it would eventually be slowly lost.
Despite the unhappiness of the Tamil people, no big political movement was undertaken till the early s. Eventually in May , there was a public demand for a Tamil state. During the election the Federal party had replaced the Tamil congress. The party was bent on "the attainment of freedom for the Tamil-speaking people of Ceylon by the establishment of an autonomous Tamil state on the linguistic basis within the framework of a Federal Union of Ceylon".
Thus in , the Federal Party, Tamil Congress and other organizations banded together into a new party called the "Tamil United Front". One of the catalysts for Tamil separation arose in when the Sinhala government made amendments to the constitution. The Sinhala government decided to promote Buddhism as the official religion, claiming that "it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster Buddhism". There was then a fear among the Tamils that people belonging to the "untouchable castes" would be encouraged to convert to Buddhism and then "brainwashed" to learn Sinhala as well.
Another spur was also the impatience of Tamil youth in Sri Lanka. Veteran politicians noted that current youths were more ready to engage in violence, and some of them even had ties to certain rebel groups in South India. Also in , there was conference of Tamil studies organized in Jaffna. The conference turned violent. This resulted in the deaths of seven people. Consequently, about 40 — 50 Tamil youths in between the years of and were detained without being properly charged, further increasing tension.
A third stimulus was the changes in the criteria for University examinations in the early s. The government decided that they wanted to standardize the university admission criteria, based on the language the entrance exams were taken in. It was noted that students who took the exams in Tamil scored better than the students who took it in Sinhala. Thus the government decided that Tamil students had to achieve a higher score than the students who took the exam in Sinhala to enter the universities. As a result, the number of Tamil students entering universities fell.
After the July election, relations between the Sinhalese and the Ceylon Tamil people became worse. There was flash violence in parts of the country.
Linguistic Culture and Language Policy - Harold F. Schiffman - Google книги
It is estimated about people were killed and thousands of people fled from their homes. Among all these tensions, the call for a separate state among Tamil people grew louder. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Claim rights and liberty rights Individual and group rights Natural and legal rights Negative and positive rights.